Mari Kiviniemi: Trust under strain

We Finns often quote President J. K. Paasikivi when emphasizing the need for an honest assessment of reality. In his Independence Day speech on 6 December 1944, after the war between Finland and the Soviet Union had ended, he said that “the beginning of all wisdom is the recognition of facts”.

For a small state, this means seeing the world and one’s own position clearly, and using limited room for manoeuvre wisely. Since full trust in our eastern neighbour has never been possible, realism has been essential.

It is both peculiar and unfortunate that a similar assessment is now needed when considering the state of transatlantic relations. Trust in the United States has been tested not only in Europe but also among its partners worldwide. What is difficult to accept is that the United States no longer seems to regard the common objectives of recent decades as its own in the same way.

First, the United States’ commitment to the multilateral international system has weakened. Together, the United States and Europe helped build institutions and rules that strengthened peace, security and prosperity: the UN system, the Bretton Woods institutions, the OECD and NATO among them. The commitment is now more selective, as seen in withdrawals from the Paris Agreement and the WHO, and in sharp cuts to development assistance.

Second, the United States no longer appears willing to develop common rules for international trade. It has never been a doctrinaire free-trader, but President Trump’s aggressive tariff policy marks a clear break. Tariffs are now tools not only of trade policy but also of pressure on partners. The WTO appellate mechanism remains paralysed, while industrial policy increasingly relies on national subsidies and domestic preference. The EU also pursues a more active industrial policy, but views on rules, tariffs and state aid have drifted apart.

Third, developments in democracy, human rights and the rule of law in the United States give reason for concern. The expansion of presidential power and pressure on independent institutions — the civil service, courts, media and universities — are unsettling. Immigration policy and the narrowing of minority rights also raise serious questions.

The transatlantic partnership rests not only on security interests, trade and economic ties, but also on a shared understanding of democracy, the rule of law and fundamental rights. Europe cannot afford complacency: erosion of the rule of law, pressure on the media and populist uses of power also occur within the EU.

Recent events have increased mistrust, uncertainty and frustration, yet the United States and the EU remain key partners and allies. Transatlantic cooperation rests on history, shared values and economic interdependence. I do not believe President Trump and his allies will ultimately succeed in pulling the United States away from the family of Western liberal democracies.

What is needed now is patient diplomacy and sustained engagement. At the same time, the EU must defend its principles and interests, identify its dependencies and strengthen new partnerships.

This does not mean abandoning multilateral cooperation, but renewing it. Rules have been applied selectively, and emerging economies have not received sufficient influence. The UN, the WTO and other organizations should be reformed to reflect shifting power relations and the challenges posed by technology, climate and economic security.

As many have argued, issue-based coalitions are also needed to move forward when universal institutions are deadlocked. At best, they can pave the way for broader agreements, but they must complement the multilateral system, not replace it with arrangements dictated by the strongest.

It is also essential to build a stronger, more competitive and more secure European Union. This requires, first, improved competitiveness and technological capability, and, second, deeper integration of the single market. The EU’s economic area should function as a genuinely unified whole: less bureaucracy and fewer national exceptions, more risk-taking and courage.

Citizens also expect better civil and defence preparedness. Security and resilience are inseparable from the EU’s development. The Union must strengthen its ability to protect its citizens, economy and member states’ sovereignty. A stronger Europe does not weaken the transatlantic relationship; it makes it more balanced.

Finally, I return to Paasikivi: recognizing facts is the beginning of wisdom, but wisdom also means acting on them. Europe now needs a stronger and more united EU — one that has the courage to reform itself while continuing to renew transatlantic cooperation and the rules-based global order.