The 2023 Polish parliamentary elections were marked by unprecedented mobilization efforts centered on pro-democracy and pro-equality agendas. While the opposition did not achieve a total victory, significant gains were made in parliamentary seats, reflecting a growing public disaffection with previous ultraconservative policies. The elections were perceived as a potential turning point for advancing equality, not least because these issues were included in the electoral programs of the winning anti-Law and Justice (PiS) coalition. However, the post-election period revealed a significant gap between expectations and reality, leading to widespread disappointment and disillusionment in particular amongst the more progressive electorate.
The hopes of the 2023 elections
The eight years of PiS governments (2015-23) were characterized by increasing centralization of power by the ruling party, alongside an ultra-conservative state capture and controversial legal reforms and ultra-restrictive reproductive policies. The 2023 parliamentary elections proved a post-1989 record in terms of voter turnout (over 74%). The erosion of democratic norms in Poland galvanized various stakeholders, including established political parties, non-governmental organizations, and nascent grassroots movements. Opposition parties—most notably the Civic Coalition, The Left, and Poland 2050—formed strategic alliances to consolidate the anti-PiS vote. Arguably, voters expressed anger and frustration mainly because of economic inflation and high prices, the perceived arrogance of the authorities, and the disregard for women’s rights. They voted against PiS also as a protest against the ruling party’s encroachment on civic freedoms, their imposition of an ultraconservative way of life, and a perceived interference in privacy. The mobilizing factors also included a sense of community among those wishing to change the government, as evidenced by the marches organized by the Civic Coalition and the queues at polling stations.
Reproductive rights emerged as a flashpoint within the broader struggle for civil liberties. The Constitutional Tribunal’s 2020 ruling, which virtually banned abortion and spurred mass protests under the banner of the Women’s Strike had evolved into a potent symbol of resistance against governmental overreach, rallying women, youth, and marginalized groups. The participation of women in the 2023 elections was notably robust, driven by increasing advocacy for gender equality and representation in political processes. Women’s rights organizations launched extensive campaigns to emphasize the importance of female participation in shaping policy and leadership. Issues such as reproductive rights, gender pay equity, and social welfare were at the forefront of political discourse, galvanizing women to express their preferences. The Batory Foundation conducted focus groups with women post-election. The participants expressed sharp criticism towards PiS, believing that the ruling party treated them like objects and second-class citizens. They felt that they were being denied the fundamental right to make decisions about themselves, especially in situations where their health or life is at risk. The abortion ban introduced by the Constitutional Tribunal, which was unequivocally perceived as an organ under the control of PiS, has significantly violated both the sense of security and personal freedom of women.
…and the disappointment in the inertia of the Tusk governments post-2023
In the runup to the 2023 elections, there was a discernible shift in the political rhetoric surrounding gender equality in Poland. Then the newly elected government, comprising a coalition of center-right and center-left parties, expressed a commitment to promoting gender equality and women’s rights. The Tusk government included a Minister for Equality (for the first time in Polish politics). And yet the legislative efforts initiated to address especially sexual and reproductive health and rights, care work, and LGBTQ+ rights have been stalling in the nearly two years since. Legislative and policy advancements have been minimal, with essential reforms in areas such as the access to abortion (or even its decriminalization), sexual education and obstetric violence protections remaining largely stagnant. The political sphere continues to be dominated by parties and leaders who espouse traditionalist notions of gender roles, resulting in a disheartening lack of progress. This scenario has fostered a sense of disillusionment among those who expected a post-election shift toward more inclusive and egalitarian policies.
Similarly, the expectations for progress in LGBTQ+ rights in Poland have not materialized as many had hoped post-2023. The political discourse remains largely influenced by ultraconservative rhetoric, with limited legislative advances that fail to ensure the basic human rights and dignities of LGBTQ+ individuals. Efforts to secure anti-discrimination laws and civil unions encountered resistance within the ruling coalition, often being met with apathy or outright governmental opposition. This has perpetuated a climate of marginalization and societal prejudice against LGBTQ+ communities, deepening the disappointment felt by both local and international observers who anticipated a more progressive stance. The attempts to establish legal recognition for same-sex partnerships have repeatedly been blocked, leaving Poland as one of the few countries in the European Union without any such provisions.
This disconnection between the 2023 electoral promises and political reality has fostered skepticism regarding the commitment of political leaders to these critical issues. Of course the palpable public frustration was not solely due to the lack of progress in equality policy, but also a wider perception of complete government inertia. The result has been a significant ‘protest’ and anti-government vote in the 2025 presidential elections, in which the cumulative vote for the right and far right candidates amounted to 50%.
Barbara Gaweda
University Researcher
Center for European Studies
University of Helsinki
Finland
